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Ideas




Political Reform
The Vital Center

DLC | Blueprint Magazine | October 21, 2005
Center Party
By Peter Ross Range

Table of Contents

Should there be a Center Party in American politics? Are elements of the Republican Party and the Democratic Party tilting so far right and left that the center -- which is clearly a large plurality of the American electorate -- rarely gets its proper representation in our political system? The short answers are: no and yes.

No, we don't need a new third party -- that never works in our system. Ross Perot and Ralph Nader merely distorted the elections they ran in. But, yes, we need to find a way to offset the exaggerated polarization of our big parties and give the center its due. The way for Democrats to do that is not by mimicking the Republican hard-right strategy of driving their party toward its natural extreme. Rather, it is by seeing problems through a non-ideological lens and seeking commonsense solutions that can appeal to a broad swath of voters.

This was the message of Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.), writing recently on the liberal blog Daily Kos. Obama noted that if Democrats are to once again gain control of things like Supreme Court appointments, they must win elections -- but they cannot do it with a strident advocacy-group tone that "is an impediment to creating a workable progressive majority." A lurch to the left, he wrote, "misreads the American people."

Clearly, the place to build the center is in the Democratic Party. It is the party of diversity, economic hope, the middle class, and the aspiring middle class. While it no longer enjoys a natural majority in the electorate, the party can, if it makes the right choices, be the home of a set of ideas that builds majorities in election after election. We've done this before. President Bill Clinton attracted enough center-right voters to offset the Republican advantage that has emerged in recent decades because he promoted ideas that had broad appeal to the middle -- economic revival, fiscal discipline, poverty reduction through welfare reform, crime prevention through more police on the street.

One of the problems with today's politics in the Democratic Party is that it consists of one thing -- a majority of moderates -- but appears to be something else. Ask the world what's a Democrat and you might get Michael Moore for an answer.

Yet the Democratic Party is overwhelmingly a moderate party. Though John Kerry received a whopping 85 percent of the liberal vote in the last election, that is still only 21.4 million votes. He won just 54 percent of the moderates, but that's 29.7 million votes. There were, in short, 8 million more moderate voters than liberal voters in the Democratic Party on that day.

The challenge lies in squeezing out a few million more votes from the moderate cohort, so that the Republican opponent wins only, say, 40 percent, not 46 percent, of the moderate vote. Once again, we know this can be done: Bill Clinton won 60 percent of the moderates in 1992 and 63 percent in 1996. But one way not to do it is to take extreme positions on hot-button social issues, or to duck the paramount importance of national security in favor of domestic social issues. That will just drive up the Republican share of the moderate vote.

Part of the challenge, of course, is reconciling the party's liberal and centrist wings. Obama has warned against a Democratic Party narrative that "demand[s] fealty to the one, 'true' progressive vision of the country." That, he said, will "risk the very thoughtfulness and openness to new ideas that are required to move this country forward." He upbraided purists who "lash out at those who share our fundamental values because they have not met the criteria of every single item on our progressive 'checklist'." Instead of such infighting, he argued, liberals and centrists must see themselves as allies in a common enterprise.

The moment for turning the Democratic Party into the Center Party may be near. The Republican Party is not merely running through a bad patch right now; its multiyear trends are toward ideological intensification and polarization -- an increasingly right-wing party. Their red is, in every study of voting trends, getting redder. Voters in the middle who've danced with the elephant in the last few elections may be increasingly turned off not only by today's scandals and mismanagement, but by the definition of a party given increasingly to its own political correctness on the right.

The surest way for Democrats to mess up this opening is to copy the Republicans with promotion of an ironclad orthodoxy that works among the party's extremes, but has no appeal to wavering moderates. Democrats shouldn't get bluer, they should get smarter.

Peter Ross Range is editor of BLUEPRINT.