Americans have profoundly mixed feelings about globalization. They generally
support it in the abstract -- and, as befits the national character, most people are
optimistic for the country as a whole. But on a personal level, people are anxious
about their own futures, and they are seeking political leaders who will control
and shape globalization to ensure that all of society benefits from it.
That is the picture that emerges from a broad study of voter attitudes about globalization
that we conducted for the Democratic Leadership Council. (The report is available in its
entirety on the DLC's website,
dlc.org.) Its findings suggest that the
best way to build support for an economic
strategy that embraces the
new global economy, instead of
retreating from it, is to offer a convincing
vision of how globalization
can help expand security and opportunities
for Americans.
The study finds that a huge
majority of voters -- 89 percent --
agree with the sentiment, "Americans
are optimistic, and America is most
successful when we view change as an
opportunity for success, rather than
as a threat to be resisted." Only 7
percent disagree with that. Voters
also insist that the country must
remain the world's leader in science
and technology. But that spirit of
optimism does not necessarily extend
to voters' personal lives. For example,
less than one-half expect their
incomes to rise enough in the next
decade to improve their standards of
living, and people overwhelmingly
say they would prefer job security
over higher salaries.
As a general matter, while more
than one-half say they support globalization,
few support it strongly. In
fact, a protectionist strain runs
through voters' attitudes about globalization.
A majority say they would
rather limit competition than adapt
to global economic pressures. The
survey asked people whether they
would rather "limit change and competition
by ending unfair trade,
reducing immigration, and producing
more of the goods we consume
here at home" or "adapt to changes
by training workers and specializing
in things other countries want, such
as high-tech goods and information
services." By a 54 percent to 40 percent
margin, respondents picked limiting
change and competition over adapting
to it.
Pros and cons. Voters see particular
aspects of globalization as having both
positive and negative consequences.
Their attitudes about the Internet,
jobs, national security -- and especially
trade -- are all examples of that trend.
For instance, when voters were
asked in the survey for their reactions
to a series of statements about
globalization, the statement that
elicited the strongest positive response
had to do with the
Internet -- but so did the statement
that elicited the strongest negative
response. Seventy-eight percent of
voters said they viewed globalization
more favorably (and 35 percent said
they viewed it much more favorably)
when they heard this: "The Internet
lets billions of people all over the
world communicate, do business,
and learn about other cultures
cheaply and conveniently."
But by the same token, 85 percent
said they viewed globalization less favorably
(and 68 percent said they viewed it
much less favorably) when they heard
this: "The Internet allows people to
trade child pornography internationally,
and it is very difficult to enforce the law
across international borders."
A similar picture appeared on the
job front. By a wide margin -- 75 percent
to 21 percent -- voters said job
creation, lower prices for consumers,
and increases in investment and economic
growth stemming from international
trade were positive consequences
of globalization. But by an
even wider margin -- 81 percent to
15 percent -- voters said that jobs
moving overseas and U.S. factories
closing are negative consequences of
globalization.
On national security, voters said a
favorable consequence of globalization is
the increasing "interchange and exchange
between the U.S. and other countries,
which helps create new alliances and
makes us more secure." Democrats,
Independents, and Republicans all felt
similarly on that score. But Republicans
felt more strongly than others that globalization's
overall effect on security also
has an unfavorable consequence, namely,
that "terrorists can use cheap travel, international
finance, and the Internet to
recruit and plan terrorist attacks thousands
of miles away."
And then there is the issue of trade.
Better than anything else, it illustrates
the mix of positive and negative voter
perspectives on globalization. While
less than one-third of the voters surveyed
in the DLC study favored the
total repeal of existing trade agreements,
only about one-third supported
the creation of new ones.
In fact, absent some new development,
the public may remain deadlocked
on the question of trade for
some time, thwarting progress in
Washington. The clearest indicator of
this came from those who work in
export industries. Only 43 percent of
these voters -- who should logically be
in favor of trade -- said they wanted to
negotiate more trade agreements.
Policy solutions. The challenge for
political leaders is to create a society that
offers security and shared benefit in a
world of both expanded opportunity
and change. The DLC survey found
that voters favored an agenda for coping
with the global economy that includes
such things as expanded 401(k)
accounts, more flextime, incentives for
alternative energy, and greater equity
and fairness -- with greater access to
stock and option programs for all workers,
for example.
There is no single idea or silver bullet
for dealing with the range of issues
created by globalization. Instead,
political leaders need to address globalization
from several angles, by confronting
everything from the competition
for scarce resources, to job losses,
to the need for stable employee benefits.
The fact that there is an appetite
for solutions on all those fronts may
explain why the electorate seems so
unsatisfied with the U.S. economy,
even though there is low inflation and
low unemployment.
As a political matter, Democrats
hold wide leads on most
individual issues that are
related to globalization,
but they have yet to actually
win the broader debate
on globalization. Older
voters favor Democrats on
the general issue of managing globalization,
while voters in high-growth communities
favor Republicans. But neither
party holds clear majority support in the
electorate as a whole. Democrats still
must work on clearly presenting their
national security approach. Republicans
are not trusted to help everyone in society
enjoy the benefits of globalization,
rather than just a privileged few.
The DLC study suggests that leaders
of both parties must devise policies
and messages that speak to the country's
conflicting feelings of hope and
anxiety. They would do well to offer
an optimistic agenda that promotes
entrepreneurship, mitigates insecurity,
and invests in science and technology.
Most of all, they need to prove to voters
that they understand and care
about American workers; understand
globalization and the New Economy;
and know how to make globalization
work for all Americans. Only by making
a credible case on these points can
leaders win public support for any sort
of policy agenda.
