The November election results have been called everything from a Democratic
landslide, to a mandate on the war in Iraq, to a searing rebuke of President
Bush's policies. I believe these conclusions miss the broader and far more compelling
point.
From the veteran I met in the Little Rebel bar in Jackson, Tenn., to the
glass plant manager I met on the other side of the state in Kingsport, people in Tennessee
viewed the 2006 election as being, first and foremost, about change. But this wasn't simply about trading a Republican majority for a Democratic one. And it wasn't about who holds the gavel in committee hearings or which party has the power to issue subpoenas. It was about something much simpler and far more profound -- forcing
government to live up once again to the social contract that we put in place
more than two centuries ago.
Above all, this election was about
making government work again.
A campaign of ideas, not ideology. No matter where our campaign traveled in Tennessee, the stories were the
same -- and the new Democratic majority
in the Congress must understand
that. People want a solution in Iraq.
They want lower taxes. They want better
schools for their kids. They want
access to high-quality health care that
they can afford. They want to buy
energy from people who aren't bent on
our destruction. And they want to place
their trust in leaders who will be honest
with them in return.
Put simply, they are tired of ideology
and incompetence. Instead, they want
good ideas and sound implementation.
This is not to suggest that politics as
usual did not play a role in our race for
the U.S. Senate. Predictably, the other
side once again tried to capitalize on traditional
"wedge" issues -- such as gay
marriage, gun control, and abortion --
that have plagued our party in recent
elections. But their effect was muted by
two key factors. First, most voters
understood that our positions were
squarely in the mainstream of Tennessee
voters. Second, in the face of almost
3,000 American troops killed in Iraq
and skyrocketing debt and deficits here
at home, voters saw the GOP's wedge
issues as divisive diversionary tactics to
hide the appalling governing failures of
the last six years.
No doubt, the Tennessee Senate race
became one of the dirtiest and sleaziest
in recent memory. While disappointing,
this is not altogether surprising, given
the stakes. But even as my opponent's
campaign reached the gutter in the closing
days, my campaign stayed focused
on ideas and answers.
This was obviously a sound strategy.
By presenting a platform of ideas rooted
in Tennessee values, we won 48 percent
of the vote, falling short by only 50,000
votes out of more than 1.8 million cast.
In fact, on a percentage basis, our vote
outperformed the 2000 and 2004
Democratic presidential candidates. We
won 13 counties that John Kerry did
not. We even beat my opponent, Bob
Corker, in his hometown, Chattanooga.
From the beginning, we were given
little chance of being competitive -- let
alone winning. Yet the race was so close
that the Republicans were forced to
spend more and work harder than anyone
expected. Still, we entered this race
to win, not to make a statement. While
we are disappointed, we are not discouraged.
We will run again one day, and we
will win.
Turning to the future. Our greatness
as a nation lies in our values. When
America is strong, the world is strong.
For generations, we have been an inspiration
for good, liberty, democracy, and
tolerance. Our moral authority, when
intact, lifts people up and makes them
aspire to be something more.
But we face serious challenges going
forward -- two wars, the rising threats of
Iran and North Korea, two growing
Asian economic superpowers with
energy appetites that will rival ours in
the 21st century, and a government that
continues to borrow and spend at historic
levels while it is about to absorb
the largest-ever influx of Americans at
one time into the Social Security and
Medicare programs.
Serious challenges demand serious
answers. And Democrats have always
answered. President Franklin D.
Roosevelt created Social Security and
the Tennessee Valley Authority to meet
America's needs during the Depression.
President John F. Kennedy cut taxes to
stimulate growth. President Lyndon
Johnson created Medicare and Medicaid
to care for the neediest among us.
And President Bill Clinton balanced the
budget to force the government to do
what every American family must -- live
within its means.
Now the country is depending on
Democrats for serious answers in these
serious times. But we cannot be so arrogant
as to assume that the only good
idea is a Democrat's idea. We must have
the courage to stress outcomes over processes.
We must lead by eschewing politics
as usual in favor of the politics of the
possible.
Here are a few specific ideas that can
help make the possible a reality:
First, on the most urgent challenge,
Iraq, Democrats should not adopt an "I
told you so" approach after the Iraq
Study Group's central finding that the
situation in Iraq is dire and that we need
to change course. Positive and concrete
options are needed -- including careful
consideration of partitioning the country
-- to bring enough stability and security
to Iraq to convert it from civil war
to independence. The Iraq Study
Group's 79 recommendations are a
good start, but we should not be afraid
to be even bolder if that is what it takes
to get things right. Any solution in Iraq
may require sending more troops in the
short-term to stem the violence -- but
we should do so only if Iraqis demonstrate
the willingness and the ability to
rebuild their own country now. With a
consensus plan in place and a realistic
endgame in sight, the American people
will unite behind a greater short-term
commitment.
Second, Democrats should implement
all of the recommendations of the
9/11 Commission. More than five years
after 9/11, we have yet to achieve interoperability
among police, fire, and
Emergency Medical Services communications
systems. Gaping holes remain in
border and port security. We have made
little progress in securing nuclear materials
and keeping dangerous technologies
beyond the reach of terrorists.
Perhaps most troubling for the future,
America's image as a beacon of freedom
has suffered. Democrats must revive our
historic tradition of promoting innovation
at home and strength and engagement
around the globe.
Third, our long-term national security
depends on ending our addiction to
oil. The world's most dynamic and creative
economy need not remain beholden
to oil sheiks in the Middle East or
dictators in places like Venezuela. To
achieve our generation's greatest legacy
challenge -- energy freedom -- Democrats
must step into the vacuum of leadership
to encourage and unleash
American innovation and ingenuity. We
cannot be afraid of the potential of science
and technology to break us of old
habits and antiquated ways.
Fourth, Democrats should make
middle-class tax cuts permanent and
make the tough choices needed to balance
the budget. The party cannot rest
on our past reputation as defender of
middle-class and working Americans.
That reputation was hard-earned.
Raising the minimum wage, passing
association health plans, and allowing
Medicare to bargain down the price of
prescription drugs are necessary first
steps. But Democrats need a more
comprehensive vision to empower the
middle class. College tuition in
exchange for national service; real vehicles
for building wealth and opportunity
for middle-class families, including savings
accounts for every child born in
the United States; and simplifying the
tax code for small businesses should
also be part of the middle-class growth
agenda.
Fifth, Democrats should finally pass
a serious ethics and campaign finance
bill that holds elected officials to the
highest standards of decency and
integrity.
Finally, Democrats and Republicans
need to have honest conversations
about the power of faith, religion, and
evangelism to heal and make our country
whole. For too long, Republicans
have misappropriated faith and religion,
and Democrats have resisted their
importance in shaping public policy.
Eradicating poverty, promoting responsible
environmental stewardship, and
caring for those who sacrificed for our
country should form the basis of a 21st
century faith-based agenda.
Both parties would also do well to
be guided by Ephesians 6:12: "For we
wrestle not against flesh and blood, but
principalities and powers." Then we
can determine public policy based on
what's best for Americans, not political
parties.
I'm reminded of Robert McCain, a
World War II veteran I met on the campaign
trail. While I toured the Veterans'
Medical Center in Murfreesboro, Mr.
McCain told me about the day he was
dropped into France to fight the
Germans. He told me how scared he
was, but said he went because it was his
duty to go and he couldn't let his fellow
soldiers down.
I thought a lot about Mr. McCain
throughout the campaign, and I think
of him still. I think about how most
of the boys he served with must have
felt exactly the same way. They were
all scared, and they probably would
rather have been back at home, safe
with their friends and family, than
fighting the Nazis in Europe. But they
didn't flinch. They fought and won
together.
Together. It's a concept that sometimes
gets lost in today's partisan
environment. Yet, our history teaches
us that we are stronger as a nation
when we act together, rather than as a
collection of individuals. When the
Great Depression hit and a third of
Americans were out of work, we came
together to rebuild our infrastructure
and our dignity by putting people
back to work. When fascism threatened
all freedom-loving nations, soldiers
like Mr. McCain risked the ultimate
sacrifice together, to protect our
way of life. Even in our nation's darkest
hour, when brother fought against
brother to make sure every American
could live free, we united, in the end,
to move forward. President Lincoln
was right: A house divided against
itself cannot stand.
We need to recover that sense of
togetherness. The country is depending
on Democrats to lead and deliver for all
of us. Leadership, at its best, can solve,
inspire, and heal. Too often today, our
government only creates cynicism and
division. There is a gap between what
is -- and what is possible. My campaign
was motivated and informed by a simple
premise -- that together we can
shape a future worthy of fighting for.
Democrats, it is our time to shape that
future.
Ultimately, that is why I ran for the
U.S. Senate and why I will remain in
public service.
