As the old century passes and a new one dawns,
thoughts turn to the type of world awaiting our
children. Will it be more prosperous? Will it offer
greater opportunities, security, openness, and understanding?
No matter how we consider the question, one
nation looms large: China. Already the world's most
populous country with more than one billion people,
China's population and economy continue to grow at an
astounding rate. Its people form a market that could become
the world's biggest. It plays a central role in Asian
security issues. Clearly, our own national interests demand
that we engage China in a principled, purposeful
way and develop with it a stable and mutually beneficial
relationship.
If China is isolated and its people are denied the
chance to pursue their legitimate aspirations, if it stumbles
on the path to economic and political reform, this
emerging power could one day become a threat, beset by
internal conflicts and social dislocation. We want a prosperous
China open to American exports; whose people
have access to ideas and information; and that upholds
the rule of law at home and plays by global rules of the
road on everything from nuclear non-proliferation to
human rights to trade.
Bringing China into the World Trade Organization on
the terms we have negotiated will advance all these
goals. It will open a growing market to American workers,
farmers, and businesses. And more than any other
step we can take right now, it will encourage China to
choose reform, openness, and integration with the
world. For these reason, I will make it a top priority in
the new year to seek congressional support for permanent
normal trade relations (NTR) with China, so that
we can benefit when China joins the WTO.
As the negotiators stated at the signing, this agreement
creates a "win-win" result for both countries. But it is
China that makes one-way concessions to open its markets
to American goods, services, and farm products.
That's right. The United States makes no new market access
commitments. We promise only to maintain the market
access policies we already apply to China by granting it
permanent normal trade relations. In other words, the
Chinese value so highly their current access to our market
and the promise of WTO membership, they are willing
to make significant market-opening concessions to
the United States. These commitments are enforceable in
the WTO. If China is found to have violated WTO commitments,
the United States will have the right to trade
retaliation against China.
On U.S. priority agricultural products, tariffs will
drop from an average of 31 percent to 14 percent by January
2004, with even sharper drops for beef, poultry, pork,
cheese and other commodities. China will create new
tariff-rate quotas that significantly expand export opportunities
for bulk commodities such as wheat, corn, and
rice. Our producers may also export and distribute directly
inside China for nearly every agricultural product
without going through state trading enterprises or middlemen.
Sales in the Chinese market will be a boon to
American farmers, who have faced tough times recently.
Industrial tariffs on U.S. products will fall from an average
of 24.6 percent in 1997 to an average of 9.4 percent
by 2005. Considering that manufactured goods comprise
a large proportion of American exports, the drop in
Chinese tariffs is good news for our high-tech manufacturers
and basic industries. Our manufacturers will also
have the right to trade and distribute freely inside China
-- something the Chinese have severely restricted in the
past.
In information technology, tariffs on products such as
computers, semiconductors, and all Internet-related
equipment will decrease from an average of 13.3 percent
to zero by 2005. Our information technology firms lead
the world and stand to earn handsomely in this huge,
expanding, and information-hungry market.
The agreement also opens China's market for services.
China agrees to ensure current market access and
activities for our service firms. The agreement also safeguards
the right of American businesses to distribute
products other than those they make in China as well as
own or manage distribution networks, wholesaling outlets,
or warehouses. For the first time, China will open its
telecommunications sector and significantly expand investment
and sales rights for financial services firms.
And it will greatly increase the opportunities open to
professional services such as law firms, architects, and
engineers. Here, too, American firms lead the world and
can anticipate a bounty of opportunity in China.
This agreement locks in and expands our access to a
market of more than one billion people. China's economy
is already the world's second largest in terms of domestic
purchasing power and over the past 20 years has
expanded at a phenomenal 9.8 percent annual rate. During
this period, U.S. exports to China have grown from
negligible levels to more than $14 billion each year and
now support hundreds of thousands of American jobs.
These figures can grow substantially with the new access
to the Chinese market the WTO agreement creates.
Prior to the final negotiations, labor leaders as well as
Democrats and Republicans in Congress raised legitimate
concerns about the importance of safeguards
against unfair competition. This agreement addresses
those concerns and as a result, no agreement on WTO accession
has ever contained stronger measures to
strengthen guarantees of fair trade. Among these guarantees
is a "product-specific" safeguard that allows us to
take measures focused directly on China in case of an
import surge that threatens a particular industry. This
protection remains in effect a full 12 years after China
enters the WTO and is stronger and more targeted relief
than that provided under our current Section 201 law.
The agreement also provides strong protections
against dumping. China agreed that for 15 years after its
accession to the WTO, the United States may employ
special methods, designed for non-market economies, to
counteract dumping.
And it will require China to demolish a set of policies
designed to draw jobs and investment away from the
United States and other countries. For the first time,
Americans will have a means, accepted under the WTO
rules, to combat such measures as forced technology
transfer, mandated offsets, local content requirements,
and other practices intended to drain jobs and technology
away from the United States. As a result, we will be
able to export to China from home, rather than seeing
companies forced to set up factories in China in order to
sell products there.
The agreement also increases our leverage with the
Chinese in the event of a future trade dispute. As a
member of the WTO, China must agree to submit disputes
to that body for adjudication and would be much
less likely to thwart the will of the WTO's 135 members
than that of the United States acting alone.
Under WTO rules, we may -- even when dealing
with a country enjoying NTR status -- continue to block
imports of goods made with prison labor, maintain our
export control policies, use our trade laws, and withdraw
benefits including NTR itself in a national security
emergency.
If Congress were to refuse to allow the United States
to grant China permanent NTR, China could deny us the
full benefits of the deal we negotiated. Put simply, a negative
vote may well oblige American farmers and businesses
to look on helplessly as European and Japanese
competitors stake out privileged positions in one of the
21st century's biggest markets.
This deal not only expands trade, it also projects our values
and enhances our security. To understand why, we
need to see China clearly -- its progress and problems,
its policies and perceptions of us, of itself, and the world.
In the last 20 years, China has made incredible
progress in building a new economy, lifting more than
200 million people out of absolute poverty. But China's
working age population is increasing by more than 12
million people -- equal to the population of New
England -- every year. Tens of millions of peasants are
migrating from the countryside, where they see no future,
to the city, where not all find work. China's economic
growth has slowed just when it needs to be rising
to create jobs for the unemployed and to maintain support
for economic reform.
I have met a number of times with Chinese President
Jiang and with Prime Minister Zhu. They are working
hard to reform China's banks and state enterprises and
to fight corruption. But China's progress is still held
back by resistance to political reforms vital to its long
term stability. As I have argued to China's leaders many
times, China will be less likely to succeed if its people
cannot exchange information freely; if it does not build
the legal and political foundation to compete for global
capital; if its political system doesn't gain the legitimacy
that comes from democratic choice.
That is another reason why bringing China into the
WTO is so important.
The agreement obligates China to deepen its market
reforms, empowering leaders who want their country to
move further and faster toward economic freedom. It
will give Chinese as well as foreign businesses freedom
to import and export on their own, and to sell their products
without going through government middlemen. It
will open China's telecommunications markets, giving
its people greater access to uncensored information
through satellites and the Internet.
In the past, the Chinese state was employer, landlord,
shopkeeper, and news provider all rolled into one. This
agreement will accelerate a process that is removing the
government from vast areas of China's economic life.
China's people will have greater scope to live their lives
as they see fit. And as they become more mobile, more
prosperous, more aware of alternative ways of life, they
will seek greater say in the decisions that affect their lives.
The agreement also obliges the Chinese government
to publish laws and regulations and subjects pertinent
decisions to review of an international body. That will
strengthen the rule of law in China and increase the likelihood
that it will play by global rules as well. It will advance
our larger interest in brining China into
international agreements and institutions that can make
it a more constructive player in the world, with a stake
in preserving peace and stability, instead of reverting to
the status of a brooding giant at the edge of the community
of nations.
Courageous proponents of change in China agree.
Martin Lee, the leader of Hong Kong's Democratic Party,
says that "the participation of China in the WTO would
... serve to bolster those in China who understand that
the country must embrace the rule of law." Chinese dissident
Ren Wanding said upon the deal's completion:
"Before, the sky was black; now it is light. This can be a
new beginning."
Of course, this trade deal alone cannot bring all the
change we seek, including the respect for human rights
China must embrace. We must and will continue to
speak out on behalf of people in China who are perse
cuted for their political and religious beliefs; to press
China to respect global norms on non-proliferation; to
encourage China to be part of the solution to the problem
of global climate change. And we will hold China to
the obligations it is accepting by joining the WTO.
In short, we will protect our interests with firmness
and candor. But we must do so without isolating China
from the global forces empowering its people to build a
better future. For that would leave the Chinese people
with less access to information, less contact with the democratic
world, and more resistance from their government
to outside influence and ideas. No one could
possibly benefit from that except for the most rigid, anti-democratic
elements in China itself. Let's not give them
a victory by locking China out of the WTO.
In short, it lies not only in our economic interest to
grant China permanent NTR status, we must do it to encourage
China to play by international rules instead of
defying them; to choose integration with the world instead
of self-isolation; and to respect human rights at
home. This deal will advance all these goals. In the
months ahead, I look forward to a vigorous, national
discussion on this historic legislation and to working
with Congress for its passage.