Editor's Note: This is the first in a series of 3 speeches Governor Cinton gave at Georgetown University in the Fall of 1991.
Second Speech: "A New Covenant for Economic Change"
Third Speech: "A New Covenant for American Security"
GOV. CLINTON:
I would like to thank all the people who helped me along life's way
here at Georgetown, some who are no longer living, some who are no longer
here, a few who remain here to teach and help people of your generation
move along life's way.
I am profoundly indebted to what this university gave me. I have carried
with me to the present day indelible memories of all the things that happened
on this campus and in this town, and in our country during the four eventful years in the mid sixties when I was
here.
I thought those years were eventful years, but the years that you're
here, those of you who are students, are truly revolutionary.
When I was here our country simply sought to contain communism, not
roll it back. Most respected academics held that once a country went
communist the loss of freedom was permanent and irreversible.
But in the last three years, we've seen the Berlin Wall come down, Germany
reunify, all of Eastern Europe abandon communism, a coup in the Soviet
Union fail, and the Soviet Union itself disintegrate, liberating the Baltics
and the other republics.
Now the Soviet foreign minister is trying to help our secretary of state
make peace in the Middle East, and in the space of a year Lech Walesa and
Vaclav Havel have both come to this city to thank America for supporting their quest for freedom.
For good measure, Nelson Mandela walked out of a jail that he entered
even before I entered Georgetown, and now he says he wants his country
to have a Bill of Rights just like the one we have here.
America should be celebrating today. All around the world, the American
dream is ascendant. Everybody wants political democracy and market economics,
and national independence. Everything your grandparents and parents fought
for, and stood for, from World War II on, is being rewarded and embraced.
Yet today in America, we're not celebrating. Why? Because all of us
fear down deep inside that even as the American dream reigns supreme abroad,
it's dying here at home. We're losing jobs and wasting opportunities.
The very fiber of our nation is breaking down: Families are coming apart,
kids are dropping out of school, drugs and crime dominate our streets.
And our leaders here in Washington aren't doing much about it. The political
system we have now rotates between being the butt of jokes and the object
of absolute scorn.
Frustration produces calls for term limits from voters who don't even
think they have the power to vote incumbents out, and resentment produces
votes for David Duke, not just from racists, but from voters so desperate
for change they will support the most anti-establishment message, even
if it's delivered by an ex-Klansman who admits it was inspired by Adolf
Hitler.
We've got to rebuild our political life before the demagogues and the
racists, and those who pander to the worst in us, bring this country down.
People once looked at the president and the Congress to bring us together,
to solve problems, to make progress. Now, in the face of massive challenges,
our government stands discredited, our people are disillusioned. There's
a hole in our politics where our sense of common purpose used to be.
The Reagan-Bush years have exalted private gain over public obligation,
special interest over the common good, wealth and fame over work and family.
The 1980s ushered in a gilded age of greed and selfishness, of irresponsibility
and excess, and of neglect.
S&L crooks stole billions of dollars in other people's money.
Pentagon consultants and HUD contractors stole from the taxpayers.
Many big corporate executives raised their own salaries even when their
companies were losing money and their workers were being put into the unemployment
lines.
Middle-class families worked longer hours for less money and spent more
on health care and housing, and education and taxes.
Poverty rose. Many inner-city streets were taken over by crime and drugs,
welfare and despair. Family responsibility became an oxymoron for many
deadbeat fathers who were more likely to make their car payments than to pay their child support.
And government, which should have been setting an example, was even
worse. Congress raised its pay and guarded its perks while most Americans
were working harder for less money.
Two Republican presidents elected on a promise of fiscal responsibility
advanced budget proposals that more than tripled our national debt.
Congress went along with that, too. Taxes were lowered on the wealthiest
people whose incomes were rising, and raised on middle class families as
their incomes fell.
Through it all, millions of decent, ordinary people who worked hard,
played by the rules, and took responsibility for their own actions, were
falling more and more behind, living a life of struggle without reward
or security.
For 12 years, these forgotten middle class Americans have watched their
economic interest ignored and their values literally ground into the ground. Nothing
illustrates this more clearly, that the fact that in the 1980s charitable
giving among middle class people went up even as their incomes went down,
while charitable giving among the wealthiest Americans went down as their
incomes went up. Responsibility went unrewarded and so did hard work.
It's no wonder so many kids growing up on the streets in America today
think it really makes more sense to them to join a gang and do drugs and
sell drugs than to stay in school and go to work. We have seen a decade in which the fast buck was glorified from Wall Street to Main Street to Mean Street.
To turn America around, we've got to have a new approach, founded on
our most sacred principles as a nation, with a vision for the future. We
need a new covenant, a solemn agreement between the people and their government to provide opportunity for everybody, inspire responsibility throughout our society and restore a sense of community
to our great nation. A new covenant to take government back from
the powerful interests and the bureaucracy and give it back to the ordinary
people of our country.
More than 200 years ago, our founding fathers outlined our first social
compact between government and the people, not just between lords and
kings. More than 100 years ago, Abraham Lincoln gave his life to maintain the
union that compact created. More than 60 years ago Franklin Roosevelt
renewed that promise with a New Deal that offered opportunity in return
for hard work.
Today we need to forge a new covenant that will repair the damaged bond
between the people and their government, restore our basic values,
embed the idea that a country has a responsibility to help people get ahead
but that citizens have not only the right but the responsibility to rise
as far and fast as their talents and determination can take them, and most important
of all, that we're all in this together.
We have to make good on the words of Thomas Jefferson who once said,
"A debt of service is due from every man to his country proportional to
the bounties which nature and fortune have measured to him".
Make no mistake. This new covenant means change, change in my
party, change in our leadership, change in our country, change in the lives
of every American. Far away from Washington and your home towns and mine, most people have lost faith in the ability
of government to have a positive impact on their lives.
Out there you can hear the quiet, troubled voices of forgotten middle
class Americans lamenting the fact that government no longer looks out
for their interests or honors their values, values like individual responsibility,
hard work, family and community. They believe the government takes more
from them than it gives back and looks the other way when special interests only
take from our country and give nothing back. And they're right.
So this new covenant can't be between the politicians and the established
interests and the political elites. It can't be just another back
room deal in power where the people who have power and the people who keep
them there make a decision that looks like something it's not. This
new covenant can only be ratified in the election of 1992 and that's why
I'm running for president.
Some people think it's old fashioned to talk like this. Some people
even think I am naive to suggest that we can restore the American dream
through a covenant between people and their government. But I believe
with all my heart -- after 11 years of work as a governor, working every
day to create opportunity and jobs and improve education and deal with
all the problems that we all know so much about -- that the only way we
can hold this country together and move boldly into the future is to do
it together with a new covenant.
Over 25 years ago my classmates and I all took a class in Western civilization
taught by a legendary professor named Carroll Quigley. He taught
at the end of the course that the defining idea of Western civilization
in general and our country in particular is what he called future preference:
the idea that the future can be better than the present and that each of us has a
personal moral responsibility to make it so.
I hope they still teach that lesson here at Georgetown, even though
Professor Quigley has been dead for some years. And I hope you believe
it because I think it's the only way to save America.
In the weeks to come I will come back to Georgetown and outline my plans
to rebuild our economy, regain our competitive leadership in the world,
restore the fortunes of the middle class and reclaim the future for the next generation. I'll give a speech on how
we should promote our national security and foreign policy interests after
the Cold War and I'll tell you in clear terms what I believe the president
and the Congress owe you and all the rest of the American citizens in this
new covenant for change.
But I can tell you, based on my long experience in public life, there
will never be a government program for every problem. Much of what
holds us together and moves us ahead is the daily assumption of personal responsibility by millions and millions of Americans from all walks of life. I can promise to do 100 different things
for you as president but none of them will make any difference unless we
all do more as citizens. And today that's what I want to talk about:
the responsibilities we owe to ourselves, to each other and to our country.
It's been 30 years since a Democrat ran for president and asked
something of all the American people. I intend to challenge you all
to do more and to do better. We simply have to go beyond the competing ideas of the old political establishment, beyond every man for himself on one hand and omething for nothing on the other. We
need a new covenant that will challenge all of our citizens to be responsible,
that will say first to the corporate leaders at the top of the ladder,
we will promote economic growth and the free market but we're not going
to help you diminish the middle class and weaken our economy.
We will support your efforts to increase your profits -- they're good -- and
jobs through quality products and services, but we're going to hold you
responsible for being good corporate citizens, too.
At the other end of the scale, we'll say to people on welfare: we're
going to give you training and education and health care for yourself and
your children, but if you can work you must go to work because we can no
longer afford to have you stay on welfare forever.
We will say to hard-working middle class Americans and those who aspire
to the middle class: we're going to guarantee you and your children access
to a college education, every one of you, but if you take the help, you
have to give something back to your country.
In short, the new covenant must challenge all of us, especially those
of us in public service, for we have a solemn responsibility to honor the
values and promote the interests of the people who elected us, and if we
don't do it, we don't belong in government any more.
This new covenant should begin in Washington. I want to
literally revolutionize the federal government and fundamentally change
its relationship to our people. People no longer want a top-down
bureaucracy telling them what to do. That's one reason they tore down the
Berlin Wall and threw out the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union.
Now our new covenant will challenge our own government to change its
way of doing business, too. The American people need a government
they can afford and a government that works. The Republicans have been in charge of this government for 12 years.
They've brought it to the brink of bankruptcy. But Democrats who
want to change the government, who want the government to do more, and
I'm one of them, we have a heavy responsibility to show that we're going to spend the taxpayers' money wisely and with discipline, that we can spend more money on the future and control what we spend on
the present and the past.
And I want to make government more efficient and effective by
following the lead of our best companies: eliminating unnecessary layers
of bureaucracy, reducing administrative costs and most important, giving
the American citizens more choices in the services they get, just as we
have worked hard to do in Arkansas. We balanced our budget every
year, improved services and treated our citizens like our customers and
our bosses, giving them more choices in public schools, child care centers
and services to the elderly, and we can do that in America.
And a new Democratic covenant must also challenge Congress to act
responsibly.
Democrats must lead the way because they want to use government to help
people, and therefore they must restore the credibility of Congress. Congress
should live by the laws that apply to other workplaces.
Congressional pay should not go up while the pay of working Americans
is going down.
And we should clamp down on campaign spending and open the airwaves
in congressional elections to encourage real political debate instead of
paid political assassinations.
And finally, there must be no more bounced checks, no more unpaid bills,
no more fixed tickets because service in Congress is itself privilege enough.
We can't go on like this. We've got to honor, reward and reflect the
work ethic, not the power grab in politics. Responsibility is for everybody
and it's got to begin here in the nation's capital.
The new covenant must also challenge the private sector. The most
irresponsible
people in the 1980s were business leaders who abused their position at
the top of the totem pole. This is my message to our business community.
As president I'll do everything I can to make it easier for your company
to compete in the world with a better trained workforce, cooperation between
labor and management, fair and strong trade policies and incentives to
invest here in America in our own economic growth.
But if I do that, I expect the jetsetters and the featherbedders of
corporate America to know that if you sell your companies and your workers
and your country down the river, you'll be called on the carpet.
that's what the president's bully pulpit is for.
All of you who are going into business, it is a noble endeavor. It
is the thing which makes this country run. The private sector creates
job, not the public sector. But the people with responsibility in
the private sector should know it is not enough simply to obey the letter
of the law and make as much money as you can. It's simply wrong for executives
to do what so many did in the '80s. The biggest companies raised
their executive pay four times the percentage their workers' pay went up
and three times the percentage their profits went up.
It's wrong to drive a company into the ground and then have the chief
executive bail out with a golden parachute to a cushy life.
The average CEO at a major American corporation, according to a recent
Senate hearing, is paid about 100 times as much as the average worker.
Compare that to two countries doing much better than we are in the world economy. In Germany it's 23 to 1.
In Japan, which just completed 58 months of untrammeled economic growth,
it's 17 to 1. And our government today rewards that excess with a
tax break for executive pay no matter how high it is. That's wrong. If
companies want to overpay their executives and underinvest in their future,
that's their business but they shouldn't get any special treatment from
Uncle Sam.
If a company wants to transfer jobs abroad and cut the security of their
working people, they may have a legal right to do it but they shouldn't
get special treatment from the Treasury, as they do today. That's not right.
In the 1980s we didn't do enough to help our companies to compete and
win in the global economy. We didn't. But we did do way too
much to transfer wealth away from hardworking middle class Americans to rich people who got it without good reason and without contributing to production and wealth in this country.There should be no
more deductibility for responsibility.
This new covenant must also make some challenges to the hardworking
middle class. Their challenge centers around work and education.
I know Americans worry about the quality of education in this country and
want the best for their children. Under my administration we'll set high
national standards for what our children need to know based on the international
competition. And we'll develop a national examination system to measure
whether they are learning it or not.
It's not enough just to put money in schools. We have to challenge
our schools to produce and insist on results.
I just came from Thomas Jefferson Junior High School here in Washington
and the principal of that school, Vera White, is here with me today.
She said she was coming and she wanted to approve my speech.
I've been to that school three times in the last five years. That school
is almost all black. It's in a building that was built when Grant was president.
They have the plaster models of the Jefferson Memorial in the school
auditorium. But every time I've been in that school, you could eat lunch off every
floor in the school. There is a spirit of learning that pervades
the atmosphere. Almost everyone in the school comes from an ordinary
family in Washington -- it's almost 100-percent minority. But in several
years that school has won the National Math Council's competition, going
all the way to the finals for junior high school performance in math.
They've been adopted by a company now that has given them excellence in
science. And every time I go there I'm just overwhelmed by the spirit that exists
from a teacher's and principal's point of view. They know that they're
going to produce, and they don't make excuses for the problems that the
kids bring to the classroom.
They open those kids to a brighter world. We need more of that.
But we also have to recognize that teachers can't do it all. We must
challenge parents and children to believe that all children can learn.
And here may be the biggest challenge of all, because too many American
parents and children really believe that how much children learn in school
depends on the IQ God gave them and their family income.
The kids we're competing for the future with
are raised to believe that how well they do depends upon how hard they
work and how much their parents encourage them to succeed in school. That's the attitude that every American school and parent has to have
if we're going to do well.
And we have to challenge our students to stay in school. Students
who drop out or fail to learn to learn as much as they can aren't just
letting themselves down; they're letting all the rest of us down, because
from the point they drop out on, the chances are they'll be subtracting
from society instead of adding to it.
We've got to enhance their responsibility. In my state we say,
if someone drops out of school for no good reason, they lose the privilege
of a driver's license. All over America we have to re-examine this
problem and say you have a responsibility to stay in school, you have a
responsibility to learn, we have a responsibility to give you a good education.
This new covenant should have challenges for every young person.
I want to establish in this country a voluntary system of national service.
In a Clinton administration we will put forth a domestic GI bill that will
say to any middle-class or low-income person: we want you to go to
college, we'll provide the money for you to go to college, it will be the
best money the taxpayers ever spent -- but you've got to pay it back, either
as a small percentage of your income over time or with two or three years
of national service where we need it here at home -- as teachers, as policemen,
as nurses, as family service workers.
But education doesn't stop in school. Adults have a responsibility
to keep learning, too -- learning for a lifetime. And all of us are going
to have to work smarter in the next century if America is going to compete
and win. So all managers and all workers will have to be challenged
every year to reorganize the work place for high performance -- a work
place in which workers have more power but can abandon work rules that
don't make sense.
And there's a special challenge in this new covenant for the young men
and women who live in America's most troubled urban neighborhoods -- young
men and women like those I've met in Chicago and Los Angeles and many other places in our country. They
are kids who live in fear of being shot going to and from school, or being
forced to join a gang in order to avoid being beaten.
Many of these young people believe that our country has ignored them
for too long -- and they're right. They think that America unfairly
blames them for everything that is wrong in their neighborhoods, for drugs
and crime and poverty and the break-up of the family and the breakdown
of the schools -- and they're right.
They worry that because by and large their faces are different colors
than mine, their only choice in life will be jail or welfare or a dead-end
job. And that being a minority in a big city is more or less a guarantee
of failure. That's not right. And when I'm president I'm going
to do my very best to prove that all those fears are wrong, because I know
these young people can overcome these obstacles, and become anything they
set their minds to. And more importantly for you, I know that America
needs their strength, their intelligence, and their humanity.
And because I believe in them and what they can contribute, they can't
be let off the responsibility hook either. All society can ever offer
them is a chance to develop their God-given capacities. They have
to do the rest. Anybody who tells them anything else is lying to
them, and they already know that.
As president, I'll see that they get the same deal everyone should have
-- play by the rules, stay off drugs, stay in school, stay off the streets;
don't have children if you're not prepared to support them because governments
don't raise children -- people do. And if you get in trouble we'll
even give you one chance to avoid prison by setting up community boot camps
for first-time non-violent offenders so they can learn discipline and get
drug treatment when necessary and continue their education and do useful
community work -- a second chance to be a first-rate citizen.
But if our new covenant is really pro-work, it must mean that people
who work shouldn't be poor. And that's why in our administration
we'll do everything we can to break the cycle of working poor by making
work pay through expanding the earned income tax credit for the working
poor, creating options for savings accounts, even for people on welfare,
and supporting the establishment in the most oppressed areas of America
of micro-enterprise businesses.
At the same time, we must assure all Americans that they'll have access
to health care when they go to work. That's why so many today maintain
themselves on the welfare rolls.
The new covenant can break the cycle of welfare. Welfare
should be a second chance, not a way of life. In my administration
we're going to put an end to welfare as we have come to know it. I want to erase the stigma of welfare for good by restoring a simple dignified
principle: no one who can work can stay on welfare forever. We'll
still help people to help themselves. And those who need education
and training and child care and medical coverage for their kids -- they'll
get it. We'll give them all the help they need and we'll keep them on public assistance for up to two
years but after that, people who are able to work, will have to go to work,
either in the private sector or through a community service job.
No more permanent dependence on welfare as a way of life.
We can then restore welfare for what it was always meant to be -- a
way of temporarily helping people who've fallen on hard times. If
the new covenant is pro-work it must also be pro-family. That means we have to demand the toughest possible child support enforcement.
The number of absent parents who run off and leave their children with
no financial help, even though they could do it, is a national scandal. We need an administration that will
give state agencies that collect child support full law enforcement authority
and find new ways of catching deadbeats and collecting the money.
In our state we passed a law this year which says if you owe more than
$1,000 in child support we'll report your name to every credit agency in
the state. We don't think people should borrow money until they take care of their children, and that ought to be
the law in America.
Finally, the president, the president has the greatest responsibility
of all -- first to bring us together, not drive us apart. For 12
years this president and his predecessor have divided us against each other,
pitting rich against poor, playing for the emotions of the middle class,
white against black, women against men, creating a country in which we
no longer recognize that we are all in this together. They've profited
by fostering an atmosphere of blame and denial instead of building an ethic
of responsibility. They had a chance to bring out the best in us and instead
they appealed to the worst in us.
Nothing exemplifies this more clearly than the battle over the Civil
Rights Act of 1991. You know from what I have already said today that I
can't be for quotas. I'm not for a guarantee for anybody. I'm for
responsibility at every turn. That bill is not a quota bill. When the Civil
Rights Act was in place from 1964 to 1987 I never had a single employer
in my state say it's a quota bill.
We need rules of workplace fairness for the 70 percent of new entrants
in our workforce who will be women and minorities in the decade of the
'90s. That's what that bill is for.
Why does the president refuse to let a Civil Rights Bill pass? Because
he knows that the people he is dependent on for his electoral majority -- white
working class men and women, mostly men -- have had their incomes decline
in the 1980s and they may return to their natural home, someone who offers
them real economic opportunity. And so he is dredging up the same
old tactic that the hard right has employed in my part of the country
in the South since I was a child. When everything gets tight and you think you're going to lose those people, you find the most economically insecure white people and you scare the living daylights out of them.
That is wrong. We cannot have a new covenant unless the president
assumes the responsibility and insists that every American join in bringing
this country back together, fighting against the politics of division and going into tomorrow as one. After all, that's what's
special about America.
Don't you want to be part of a country that's coming together instead
of coming apart?
Don't you want to be part of a community where people look out for each other and not just for themselves?
Wouldn't it be nice to be part of a nation again that brings out the
best in all of us instead of playing to the worst for personal advantage?
Wouldn't it be nice again to have a leader who really believed that the only limit to what we can do is what our leaders ask of us and what we expect of ourselves?
Nearly 60 years ago, in a very famous speech to the Commonwealth Club,
in the final months of his 1932 campaign, President Franklin Roosevelt
outlined a new compact that gave hope to a nation mired in the Great Depression. The role of government,
he said, was to promise every American the right to make a living. The
people's role was to do their best to make the most of that opportunity. He said, and I quote, "Faith in America demands
that we recognize the new terms of the old social contract. In the
strength of great hope, we must all shoulder the common load."
That's what our hope is today, a new covenant to shoulder the common
load.
When people assume responsibility and shoulder that load they acquire
a dignity they never had before. When people go to work they rediscover
a pride in themselves that they had lost.
I'll never forget, once a welfare mother in my state was asked, when
she moved from welfare to work, what was the best thing about having a
job. And she said when my boy goes to school, and they say
that does your mama do for a living, he can give an answer.
When fathers pay their child support, they restore a connection that
both they and their children need. When students work hard, they
find out that they can all learn after all and do as well as any students
in Japan or Singapore or Germany or anywhere else.
When corporate managers put their workers and their long-term profits
ahead of their own paychecks, their companies do well and so do they.
When the privilege of serving is enough of a perk for people in Congress
and when the president finally assumes responsibility for America's problems,
we'll not only stop doing wrong, we'll begin to do what's right to move America forward.
That's what this election is really all about -- forging a new covenant
that will honor middle class values, restore the public trust, create a
new sense of community and make America work again.
Thank you very much.
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