Welcome to this Third Annual Conversation of the National Conversation of the
Democratic Leadership Council. In just three years, this conversation has grown from
just a
handful of people around a very funny shaped table in a hotel in Washington, to this
wonderful
event with 170 elected officials from every state of the union.
When we started this movement, I never would have dreamed that at a New
Democrat meeting we would have had the Chairman of the National Governors
Association; the
Chairman of the U.S. Conference of Mayors; the Chairman of the Black Mayors; the
President
Pro-Tem of the County Executives, all New Democrats. And we would have had the
head of the
National Association of State Legislators, if the California Legislature weren't in session.
Now that's progress.
We've just heard Kathleen lay out some issues that we ought to be tackling.
Later
today, we're going to be honored by the presence of our friend and former Democratic
Leadership Council Chairman, the President of the United States. Bill Clinton is the
leader of
the New Democrat movement in this country and the single person most responsible
for the
modernization of progressive politics all over the world. That is his legacy to our
country--and
to the world.
I want to make two points this morning.
First, as New Democrats, you are part of the most significant political story of
the
1990s--the resurgence of center-left, progressive centrist parties all around the globe,
beginning
right here in the United States.
And second, it is up to you to make sure that this New Democrat movement
carries
forward, intellectually and politically dynamic, so that it can continue to grow and
prosper as we
head into the 21st Century.
My first point. No question about it. The biggest political story of the 1990s has
been the resurgence of center-left parties all over the globe. Think about it. If we have
been
meeting here ten years ago, Ronald Reagan and George Bush dominated politics in
America.
Margaret Thatcher dominated politics in Great Britain. Helmut Kohl dominated
politics in
Germany. Conservative governments all.
Where are we today? Bill Clinton and the New Democrats lead in the United
States.
Tony Blair and New Labor in Great Britain. And Gerhard Schroeder and the New
Middle in
Germany. The common thread to the success of all of three of those parties and to
center-left
parties throughout the democratic world has been their development and embrace of
what we call
the third way political philosophy. Whether they're called New Democrats, New Labor,
or the
New Middle, the values, ideas and approaches of the third way are modernizing
center-left
governments all around the globe. They are grounded in a public philosophy that
embodies
fundamental progressive principles furthered by modern means and innovative ideas.
I summarize our philosophy this way. Its first principle and enduring purpose
is
opportunity for all, special privilege for none. Its public ethic is mutual responsibility.
Its core
value is community. Its outlook is global, and its modern means are fostering private
sector
economic growth, today's prerequisite for opportunity for all, and promoting an
empowering
government that equips citizens with the tools to solve their own problems in their own
communities. Opportunity, responsibility, community.
Just think about how adherence to this New Democrat third way philosophy has
transformed the Democratic Party in the United States, making it possible for our party
to pursue
its first principles and to win support of the American people because our ideas work.
Let's understand why we've succeeded. Let me give you five reasons. These
are
how our five principles work in the modern world.
I said a minute ago our first principle and enduring purpose is opportunity for
all.
But what made New Democrats different is that we understood that in the 1990s in
order to be
the party of opportunity, you had to be the party of private sector economic growth.
Now how
does that manifest itself in policy?
Nineteen years ago, I worked in the Carter administration. And every economic
plank in the Democratic platform in 1980, was a public jobs program. Contrast that
with the
policies of the Clinton administration: balancing the budget; expanding trade;
investments in
education and training, research and development and infrastructure, the kind of
investment that
make the private economy grow. And think about the trip we took last week. We
didn't go with
a big pot of money giving a lot of handouts to poor communities. We went with
business leaders
and a strategy of getting private investment, private sector growth into those
communities that
have been left behind in this incredible recovery.
Second, we have reunited Democratic policies with the values that most
Americans
believe in, and which were the core values of our party when we were the clear
majority party in
this country: work, family, responsibility, individual liberty, faith, tolerance and
inclusion. Now
the best example of that is welfare reform. But before we had welfare reform, we had
to make it
clear that we believed in work, and we had to make work pay more than welfare. And
that's why
we enacted the earned income tax credit. Once we made work pay more than welfare,
we ended
that welfare system that projected values that most Americans thought were wrong
because it
discouraged work and destroyed families. That's why people across this country are
willing to
invest more in a work system than in welfare, because it reflects their values.
Third, we have reconnected our party with John Kennedy's ethic of mutual and
civic
responsibility. Through ideas like National Service, we not only ask what our country
can do for
our people, but what we can do for our country.
Fourth, we've returned to the global outlook that has been the hallmark of
Democratic administrations from time immemorial. We have always been the party
that believed
in expanded trade. We have gotten our party past the neo-isolationism of Vietnam and
the
protectionism that started to develop in response to economic change. Now those trade
fights
aren't over. But President Clinton's steadfast support of expanded trade has been one
of the keys
to the economic success of our country.
And finally, we have reconnected our party with the real legacy of Franklin
Roosevelt, his thirst for innovation. We are a party that believes in activist government.
When
President Clinton said the era of big government is over, he didn't mean the era of
activist
government was over. But we had to modernize our government so people would
support it. We
had to modernize it by changing it from a big, centralized bureaucracy to a government
that
equips people with the tools to solve their own problems in their own communities;
ideas like
community policing, like charter schools, like regional skills alliances, like life-long
learning; all
of those kinds of ideas that will help equip people for a better life, a more prosperous
life in their
own communities.
This New Democrat agenda has been pretty successful. In fact, it has been so
successful that the Republicans are trying to parrot our politics. They're trying to pilfer
our New
Democrat themes of opportunity, responsibility and community.
Now I really don't know what a compassionate conservative stands for. But I've
got
a message for our Republican imitators. Transforming a political party, hammering out
a
political philosophy and crafting a governing agenda that works is accomplished
through hard
work, spirited debate and even a few tough fights, not just with a clever slogan or by
inheritance.
We know that in the DLC because, under President Clinton's leadership, we
undertook that hard work. We held those spirited debates. Many of you were at
Cleveland, and
we really took on the hard fights. That's why we transformed our party and redefined
and
captured the political center of American politics. After all we went through, we're not
going to
sit idly by and let the Republicans reclaim the political center on the cheap.
That's why this conversation and what we do here over the next two days is so
important. You are the future of the New Democrat movement.
Now to my second point. Our movement is in your hands. You need to keep it
politically and intellectually dynamic. This conversation represents a fundamental
shift in the
DLC's political strategy, from a top down to a ground up strategy. We started with the
top down
strategy because we believed that Democrats needed to develop a new national agenda
to regain
the presidency and assume national leadership. But now the future of the New
Democrat
movement depends on the ability to apply New Democrat principles to the challenges
of state
and local governments and our ability to rebuild progressive coalitions from the ground
up.
In an era of decentralization of economic and political power, the impetus for
political reform and innovation has to come increasingly from the states and the
localities. That
means you. Your presence, your public actions will increasingly be the face of our
movement
that most Americans see in their own communities and in their everyday lives.
Now at the DLC, we're going to devote all of our resources to helping you deal
with
that challenge.
Our think tank, the Progressive Policy Institute, will continue to shape and share
innovative ideas.
Our publications, Blueprint and The New Democrat, will continue to
search out and
write about the best new approaches that are going on anywhere in the country.
Our weekly fax will
continue to
communicate the idea of the week, which will increasingly come from all of you.
We will expand our DLC Leadership Workshops, our efforts to teach state and
local
leaders about the essentials of the New Democrat philosophy.
And building upon the success of our State Legislative
Advisory
Board, led by Antonio Riley, which has helped us recruit adherents and organize
New
Democrat caucuses in state legislatures across the country, we are launching at this
conversation
our New Democrat Local Officials Network that will allow better and faster
communications of
ideas among city and county officials.
In short, we'll do all we can to help you. But in the end, the best ideas and the
most
important innovations will come from you. We need your ideas. That's why we've just
launched the new DLC Idea
Exchange, a
forum for all of you to communicate with us and with each other. And that's why later
this year
we will undertake a major expansion of our web and Internet capacity so we can
communicate
with each other in ways that we could not have even dreamed about even a year ago.
We're devoting so much energy and so many resources into the development
and the
communication of ideas, because ideas are the key to a growing, dynamic New
Democrat
movement.
The bottom line is this. The success of our movement has been built on our
ideas. If
we want Americans to keep supporting us, we need to keep innovating to help
Americans cope
with the new challenges and the new economy and the new social realities, the kind of
things that
Kathleen just talked about.
With the successes we've had, there's a great temptation to rest on our laurels, to
stop
the process of modernization that have helped us revive our party as a political force
and put us
on the precipice of being the majority party in America in the 21st Century. We cannot
afford
that.
In an era of transforming change, the surest way to let the Republicans steal our
politics is for us to let our politics lose its intellectual dynamism. The Republicans may
be able
to raise more money than we can, and they'll certainly be able to spend more money
than we can.
But we can never allow them to out-think us.
So our challenge is to keep our politics intellectually dynamic, to keep in
brimming
with new and innovative ideas. New ideas today arise from the efforts of state and
local
innovators like you as you try to solve problems in your own communities. The
purpose of this
national conversation is to show all of America that the best of those new ideas, the best
of those
innovations, the best solutions to the challenges that our country will face in the 21st
Century
will come from New Democrat leaders.
Thank you very much.