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DLC | New Dem Daily | November 10, 2004
The Road Back


Editor's Note: Video from this event is available at C-SPAN. In the "Video Search" box (middle of the page) enter "DLC" and the event will show up.

As Democrats continue to mull over the disappointing results of November 2, the DLC held a forum at the National Press Club in Washington to look ahead and discuss "the road back." Featuring a broad array of panelists and a large audience of reporters, the event accentuated two fundamental facts about the post-election atmosphere among Democrats: an unwillingness to engage in finger-pointing or recriminations, and a determination to soberly reflect on the results as indicating some chronic problems with the party's message and image that go deeper than the presidential loss.

DLC president Bruce Reed opened the discussion by enjoining Democrats to avoid nitpicking criticisms of the Kerry-Edwards campaign, and to focus on the party's fundamental problems. "The core of Democrats' problem is the same as it was when the DLC was founded 20 years ago: the middle class doesn't trust us enough to stand up for their security, their values, or their economic interests. From Franklin Roosevelt to Bill Clinton, the Democratic Party made its name by building the middle class. We don't win elections when they don't vote for us.... Democrats don't have to become more liberal or more conservative. We never have to take another poll again. We just need to remember that the burden of proof is on us."

Al From, the DLC's CEO and founder, laid out five keys to "the road back."

  • "Accept the truth" that Republicans have achieved majority status, albeit a narrow majority;
  • "Expand the map" by working on a Democratic revival in "red states";
  • Address three "trust gaps" that have become obstacles to acceptance of Democratic candidates: a "security gap," a "culture gap" and a "reform gap";
  • In constructing a message and agenda for the future, "remember that ideas matter";
  • Don't get discouraged; the problems facing Democrats today are no worse than those they faced at the beginning of the 1990s, prior to the Clinton revival of party fortunes.

Los Angeles Times political reporter Ron Brownstein interpreted the election results as indicating a "thumb on the scales" for Republicans after the long period of parity that was reflected in the 2000 elections. Citing the Times' own exit polling, Brownstein suggested that Bush might have won half of the white union vote, and that the Democrats' "southwestern strategy" of focusing on states with large Hispanic populations might have been a mistake. He also cited indications that both parties' expensive "ground games" may not have made as much difference as some have suggested. "When it's all counted up, both parties may have together spent about $1.5 billion contacting voters... and only 3 states switched from the party they supported in 2000."

Brownstein argued that one danger sign for Democrats is that they are not doing as well in "red states" as the Republicans are doing in "blue states." "Red America is becoming Fortress America," he observed, noting that over the last two elections Democrats have lost 10 out of 10 open Senate seats in the South. On the positive side for Democrats, Brownstein pointed out that Bush was the first winning presidential candidate since 1976 to have lost independent voters, which could be a growing problem for Republicans in the future.

As the one successful Democratic Senate candidate in the South on November 2, Sen. Blanche Lincoln of Arkansas offered three thoughts for Democrats in communicating with voters they have been losing in "red states:"

  • "Trust the voters" to understand the issues that most affect their lives, instead of trying to tell them what they should care about;
  • "Get rid of sacred cows" in talking about domestic issues, and stop defending federal programs as ends in themselves;
  • "Get comfortable talking about your faith" as a way of instilling trust in the values of Democratic elected officials.

Political consultant Donna Brazile, who ran Al Gore's 2000 campaign, cited some positive developments in the 2004 elections: "The Democratic donor base tripled in size, and the activist base quadrupled," she said. But she echoed other panelists in arguing that Democrats had to expand their geographical reach, and suggested that Democratic governors needed to play a bigger role in national party discussions.

Progressive Policy Institute President Will Marshall focused on the "security gap" facing Democrats, arguing that "martial moms" concerned about national security had a lot to do with relative Republican success among women in 2004. He also urged Democrats to get beyond their divisions over the invasion of Iraq, and work to develop a "progressive internationalist" vision for America's role in the world in which alliances, multilateral organizations, and American values "extend our power and amplify our voice," backed up by the credible willingness to use military force to fight the forces of "jihadist ideology."

Former Clinton White House political director Doug Sosnik argued that "elections are often lagging indicators of political trends," and suggested that the 2004 results reflected a long period of growth in Republican strength rather than any clear advantage in the future. But he also agreed with all the other panelists in urging Democrats to get better in touch not just with the values, but with the day-to-day lives of voters. "The vast majority of people in this country don't think of themselves as 'red people' or 'blue people,'" he said. "They think of themselves as just normal people living their lives."

Al From closed the forum by reminding the audience that a process of Democratic renewal was important not just for the party's electoral fortunes, but for "the future of progressive governance," and promised: "Make no mistake -- we're coming back."